A dangerous game

Some of the major Sindh-based political parties are playing a dangerous game that could spin out of control and plunge the province back into the vicious cycle of ethnic strife and violence – as once was the norm during the decades of 1980s and 1990s. Sadly, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) remains squarely responsible for creating, stoking and strengthening the artificial rural-urban divide — this time around by bulldozing the controversial Sindh Local Government (Amendment) Act 2021, which is highly unpopular at least in the key urban centres of the province.

Dubbed as the “black law” by the opposition parties, the new Sindh Local Government Act (SLGA) further curtails powers of local bodies as the provincial government aims to seize control of even health and educational institutions run by the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC).

Although the PPP-run Sindh Government says that it has empowered the local government system by transferring property tax and some other functions to the KMC, all the other political parties stand firmly opposed to it.

From the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) to its various splinter groups and factions, and from the ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf, the Jamaat-e-Islami to the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA) – allof them have slammed the SLGA and the way it got passed in the Provincial Assembly. The provincial leadership of the Awami National Party (ANP) and the Tehreek-e-Labaaik Pakistan (TLP) also extended support to the cause of the empowered local governments during a recent All Parties Conference hosted by the MQM-P.

In a nutshell, the urban centres of Sindh, especially Karachi and Hyderabad, are simmering with discontent and anger the way their aspirations have been contemptuously snubbed by the PPP, which draws electoral strength and majority from the rural areas. Now after more than 13 years of poor governance and mismanagement, the contentious SLGA has further cemented negative perceptions about the intentions of the PPP leadership in the urban centres.

But should the PPP’s assault on the local government system be seen in the context of the rural-urban divide or an ethnic problem? This is a fundamental question as some political forces – by design or default – are trying to portray it as such. Particularly the way the MQM-P and its breakaway factions reacted to the PPP’s move is bound to incite emotions and may pit one ethnic group against the other.

The MQM-P leaders reacted to the SLGA by again raising the slogan of a separate province, but mercifully within days they refocused their demand on empowerment of the local bodies. But the MQM’s short-lived demand for the division of Sindh proved enough to create bitterness and provide an opportunity to the PPP to paint itself as the champion forSindhi-speaking people and their interests. The claims of advocating Sindh’s cause by the PPP remains ironic as not just the urban centres of the province suffered immensely during its rule, but also the rural areas. Yet, the PPP managed to exploit the legacy of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the power of electable politicians – the feudal lords – to its advantage in electoral politics.

The PPP used the bogey of the demand of a separate province only to strengthen its position in rural areas by exploiting emotions of the Sindhi-speaking people. And even though the MQM-P has readjusted its position and is calling for an empowered local bodies’ system now, its splinter factions, including Afaq Ahmed’s Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), are raising the demand of a new province with a fresh vigour to counter the Sindh Government’s move to usurp most powers of the local bodies.

The aggressive tone of the MQM factions is likely to put pressure on the MQM-P’s leadership in the mid-to long-term to adopt a similar tough stance to protect and expand its turf given the fact that the country is all set to go into the election campaign mood in the coming months. However, this looming ethnic crisis is unnatural and result of the self-serving and myopic policies of the major Sindh-based political parties rather than the result of any genuine clash of interest between this or that ethnic group.

Given its absolute majority in the Sindh Assembly, the PPP on its own can devolve the administrative, political and financial powers to the grassroots level by empowering the local governments in line with the Article 140-A of the Constitution. Former president Gen Pervez Musharraf-era local bodies’ system provides a practical and forward-looking foundation for the devolution of powers.

If the PPP opts to do the right thing in the greater interest of Sindh, it will take the wind out of the sails of ethnic politics once for all. But empowering the local government system is not even remotely on the PPP’s agenda as it too furtively thrives on the Sindh card. And without the PPP’s support, even if all the Sindh Assembly members elected from Karachi and Hyderabad unite, they will not be able to force a change through the power of the vote.

The second option to resolve the brewing crisis is in the hands of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which can take up the pending cases regarding the empowerment of the local bodies in line with the Article 140-A of the constitution. After all, the Supreme Court has played a commendable role in ensuring the local bodies elections in Sindh, which were constantly being delayed by the PPP.

However, it is not just the PPP, but all the other major political parties, including the PML-N and the PTI, have remained reluctant in empowering the local governments as it would weaken the provincial control and dynastic hegemonies on the political and administrative system. Therefore, across Pakistan one local bodies’ system backed by the constitutional guarantees is the need of the hour.

The third option remains that the opposition parties launch an effective campaign – at least in Sindh for an empowered local bodies system. But this campaign should not be on ethnic lines. Sindh is a multi-ethnic province and Karachi remains Pakistan’s biggest multi-ethnic city. They cannot afford the rise of self-defeating and self-harming ethnic politics. It will not only serve the interest of the rural elite and handful of urban politicians, but hurt the interests of our proverbial man on the street.

Therefore, progressive and forward-looking political parties should strive to unite the people on the basis of commonalities of issues and problems rather than divide them on ethnic lines. There is a room for such a political force not just in Sindh but in the entire country. Either the established political parties reform on these lines or new players emerge representing the true interests of the middle, lower-middle and working classes, including peasants.

The empowered local bodies system is the easiest, shortest and surest way to benefit all the linguistic groups and communities not just in Sindh, but across Pakistan. But can our traditional political parties, inflicted by dynastic politics or thriving on hate politics, overhaul themselves to move in this direction?

The realistic answer as for now is “no”.

Pakistan’s current political order and the flawed democratic institutions leave no room for pro-people politics. That’s the reason that a mega, multi-ethnic city like Karachi, where demographics are rapidly changing, remains hostage to the rural elite and ethnic politicians. These forces,despite having a history of working together, entering into short-lived alliances and serving one another’s interests, have miserably failed to agree upon common principles of governance, which are inclusive rather than based on brute and flawed concept of majority. Once the principle is decided, then the mayors of Karachi, Hyderabad or any other city can come from any ethnic group or political party that would not ignite ethnic tensions. Similarly, the Chief Minister of Sindh can hail from any city, town, community, ethnic, or sectarian or religious group or the party. The only criteria for selection should be a clean, honest and efficient record of public service. But this goal can only be achieved through the people-led movement in which rural and urban areas are equal stakeholders rather than daggers drawn against one another at the behest of the ruling elite.

The writer is Editor-in-Chief, Bol Media Group